President Donald Trump has another territory in his strategic wish list. After Greenland-Denmark, it is now the turn of the Chagos Archipelago. In his usual scathing remarks, President Trump questioned the United Kingdom about its decision to surrender the Chagos Archipelago stating “Shockingly, our 'brilliant' NATO Ally, the United Kingdom, is currently planning to give away the Island of Diego Garcia, the site of a vital U.S. Military Base, to Mauritius, and to do so for no reason whatsoever”. Further the UK’s decision is another national security reasons “why Greenland has to be acquired” suggesting that Chagos Archipelago is next on his agenda.

That said, the sovereignty of Chagos Archipelago had been under dispute between Mauritius and the United Kingdom (1965 British deal for Mauritian independence) and the British Royal Navy had operated from there. It was subsequently leased to the U.S. Navy which designated it as Naval Support Facility (NSF) Diego Garcia.  

On 3 October 2024 the British government announced that it would relinquish sovereignty claims to Mauritius, notwithstanding domestic uproar over the decision that has been domestically labelled as “naive, dangerous, and a blow to British prestige”. It was also agreed that Mauritius would lease the archipelago for 99 years to the UK with an option to extend the lease for another 40 years. Besides the provisions of the lease, Mauritius consented to “explicitly ban foreign military or civilian forces from the other islands in the archipelago, giving the UK a permanent veto over any presence that could threaten the base”. This therefore is the legal basis for the United Kingdom to conduct military “operation that did not exist under the previous contested ownership”. It merits mention that the issue was discussed with Trump Administration and Secretary of State Marco Rubio had endorsed the British decision on Chagos Archipelago as “monumental achievement”. 

There are at least five reasons for President Trump to bring to forefront the issue of this tiny yet strategic archipelago that is nestled in the southern Indian Ocean. First, Chinese dual use maritime infrastructure in the Indian Ocean has been growing under the Belt Road Initiative (BRI) of which the Maritime Silk Road (MSR) envisages development of naval and dual use maritime infrastructure in the Indian Ocean particularly along the sea lanes that connect the three choke points of Straits of Malacca (connecting Indian Ocean with Pacific Ocean), Strait of Hormuz (Persian Gulf) and Bab-el Mandab (Suez Canal and Red Sea). China has maintained a near continuous naval presence in the Indian Ocean since 2009 to conduct anti-piracy operations and now has a fully developed naval facility at Djibouti in the Horn of Africa. Besides several Chinese marine scientific and intelligence vessels operate in the region and it is not implausible that these may have been engaged in monitoring US military-naval operations at Diego Garcia.

Second is the growing Russian naval presence in the Indian Ocean resembling the Cold War when it had military access and basing arrangements in the region. The Russian Federation Navy (RFN) has big ambitions of sustained deployment and has been conducting operational exercises with the Chinese and the Iranian Navy and seeks access and basing arrangements with African countries. The recent military basing agreement with Sudan under which RFN will be able to operate from Port Sudan will “significantly boost Moscow’s military influence in Africa and disrupt key shipping lanes” in the Indian Ocean.  This is worrisome to the US.

Third is about Iran who has been putting up a brave front against the ongoing US military build-up in the region threatening an “all-out war”. The Chagos Archipelago is home to US military facilities and supports operations in the wider Indian Ocean particular in the Persian Gulf and Horn of Africa. It has enabled the US military in the past also to stage strategic bombers to conduct operations during the two Gulf wars, Operation Enduring Freedom, the ongoing war on terror and may be even during the recent strikes against Iran.

Fourth are the 9-16 January 2026 China-led BRICS naval drills, code named “Exercise Will for Peace 2026” that took place near Simon's Town, South Africa. This caught the attention of President Trump and his January 2026 threat of punitive 25 % tariff “on any and all business being done with the United States of America” is closely linked to his push-back against the BRICS naval initiative in the Indian Ocean including its new members who sit astride the sea lanes and choke points in the Indian Ocean i.e. “Egypt (Suez Canal), Ethiopia (Bab-el-Mandeb Strait), India (Six degree and Nine degree channels), Indonesia (Straits of Malacca), UAE and Iran (Strait of Hormuz), and South Africa (Cape of Good Hope)”.

Fifth the US intends to project power in Africa, and the Chagos Archipelago serves as a node for the AFRICOM (Africa Command) which is mandated to conduct relations-operations with 53 African countries, Mauritius and Seychelles. In that context, Chagos Archipelago adds to its responsibilities-capabilities to respond to crises, and deter transnational threats and promote regional security and stability in eastern Indian Ocean.

It is fair to argue that besides economic interests, the Trump Administration is also conscious of the strategic value of the territories such as Greenland and Chagos. It uses economic tools to deter strategic initiatives and the subtle pushback against BRICS naval drills is a good example of US’ plans to challenge the ambitions of the BRICS and the evolving CRINK (China, Russia, Iran, North Korea) groupings.

Dr. Vijay Sakhuja is former Director National Maritime Foundation, New Delhi and is associated with Kalinga International Foundation, New Delhi.