Professor Shankari Sundararaman
On May 9th 2022, the Philippines held its Presidential elections, after a period of six years since the administration of President Rodrigo Duterte was voted into office in 2016. In a landslide victory, the elections were won by Ferdinand Marcos Jr., popularly known as Bong Bong Marcos (BBM), the son of the former military dictator and Filipino strongman General Ferdinand Marcos and former First Lady Imelda Marcos. The Vice Presidency has been won by the daughter of outgoing President Duterte, Sara Duterte, bringing a complex and formidable combination at the helm of executive affairs in the Philippines.
While the President belongs to the Federal Party of the Philippines (Partido Federal ng Pilipinas), his vice president belongs to the Lakas-CMD, after having exited from the earlier party to which she belonged Hugpong ng Pagbabago. Sara Duterte, following in her father’s footsteps, has also served as the Vice Mayor and Mayor of Davao city, a role that she interchanged with her father for a few years. Since the 2016 elections when Rodrigo Duterte became President she has been the Mayor of Davao city. The combination of this team winning the elections has significant impact on the politics that will evolve over the next six years in the Philippines, as it brings back to power a former dictator’s son and the incumbent political family, jointly holding executive power.
The Philippines Commission on Elections states that the voter turnout in this year’s elections could exceed that of 2016, with more than 80 percent expected once the results are final. The initial reports clearly suggest Marcos won nearly 31 million votes, while his immediate rivals Leni Robredo and Manny Pacquiao received nearly 14. 5 million and 3.5 million votes respectively. More than half the number of registered voters fall into the age group between 18-39 years, while those above the age of sixty constitute roughly 10.3 million voters. This added significantly to the political debates, with the youth as a front for reforms and it was expected that their support base may be able to tilt the direction of the vote. There was a huge youth support for Leni Robredo, but the swing in favour of Marcos was overwhelming. This generation was born after the end of the senior Marcos era, leaving little to compare with the past. For many of the older generation, there were mixed responses. The fictional representation of General Marcos and his wife Imelda, portrayed within the Filipino folklore as Malakas and Maganda, was indicative of a reminiscent past. While this fictional context captured the imagination, the realities of martial law and the fight for a democratic shift have contributed to an understanding of the political process with the historical realities in focus. However, the need for a strong leadership tilted the balance in favour of Bong Bong Marcos.
The run up to the elections on 9th May was interesting especially as the frontrunner in the campaign Bong Bong Marcos, did not participate in most of the political debates. Much of his campaign was dominated through individual meetings in which he and his interlocutors were engaged in interviews, leaving little room for any direct debates with his opponents in the Presidential race. This revealed little about how his policies will evolve to address both domestic and foreign policy challenges, but focused more on a bygone era. The campaign also witnessed much disinformation which had two clear agendas; first, the undermining of the opponents, most importantly of Leni Robredo, the incumbent vice president who had actually won against Bong Bong Marcos for the office of vice president in the 2016 elections. Second, the campaign focused on the glorification of the Marcos era in Philippines politics, with little acknowledgement or acceptance of the excesses committed by the family.
What the victory of Bong Bong Marcos clearly reveals is how short human memory is and how a past era, after a lapse of time, can be glorified to ensure the return of a former dictator’s son to power. From 1986 to 1991, the Marcos family was living in exile following the People’s Power Revolution, led by Corazon Aquino, the widow of late Benigno S. Aquino Jr. who was assassinated in 1983 when he returned to the Philippines to contest in active political life. Following the return of late General Marcos’ family to the Philippines in 1991, Bong Bong Marcos entered the political fray, first as a Congressman for one of the districts of Ilocos Norte, then as Governor and later as a Senator, marking his return to politics. The election results clearly indicate that the issues of tax evasion of nearly US $ 3.8 billion on the estates owned by his family and the conviction of Imelda Marcos to prison in 2018, yet to be implemented, have had little impact on the voters.
On the Vice President’s role, the election brings into office Sara Duterte, keeping much of the executive power in the hands of the family itself. While Leni Robredo herself fought on the need for political reforms and human rights to be instituted, this victory for the Duterte family will continue to have implications. Duterte’s own presidency has been marked with rights violations and international groups have been critical of the situation within the country.
Sara Duterte’s win brings the family back into executive office wielding power over these accusations and may allow for immunity over these charges. Philippines politics has for years been led from above with politically elite families wielding excessive powers. The combination of the Marcos-Duterte duo continues to reassert this reality. The victory in the Presidential elections brings to full circle the Marcos family’s political fortunes highlighting the role that dynastic politics clearly plays in the Philippines. While the President elect’s early statements have attempted to distance himself from his family’s legacy, requesting that he be judged by his work and not by his ancestors, the past will continue to loom large as the prodigal family returns.
Professor Shankari Sundararaman is Professor of Southeast Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.