The European Union (EU) naval mission in the Red Sea, named EUNAVFOR Aspides (Greek word for shields) to protecting freedom of navigation and commercial vessels in the Red Sea is underway. Launched on 19 February 2024, the mission has a mandate of one year and a budget of €8 million. Discussions for this mission started in December 2023 when the Houthis started attacking merchant ships passing through the Red Sea. Operation Aspides will be active in the sea lines of communication in the Red Sea, the Gulf of Aden, the Arabian Sea and the Gulf of Oman as well as in the Strait of Bab el-Mandeb Strait and the Strait of Hormuz. Greece is the host and command centre of the mission, while France, Germany and Italy are among the key contributors to Operation Aspides.

Operation Aspides may have a limited and a short-term mandate of protecting commercial traffic in the Red Sea; however, from the EU’s perspective, this mission accomplishes two objectives – first is highlighting the EU’s role in the wider expanse of the Indo-Pacific region, and second is the EU’s approach to Iran which is in contrast to the US’ approach.

The first objective, as stated previously, is protection of the sea route of Suez Canal that connects Europe with Asia. Not only is this route strategically important for the European countries to trade with Asia, this route connects Europe to the wider Indo-Pacific region. Securing this sea lane is crucial for the EU to advance its engagements with the Indo-Pacific Region. The EU had launched its Indo-Pacific Strategy in 2021 underscoring its objectives for the region.

The EU Indo-Pacific Strategy states that the European Union and the Indo-Pacific countries have stakes in each other’s prosperity and security and that the two regions share the same interest in upholding the rules-based international order. This strategy sets out seven priority areas for the EU in the Indo-Pacific of which defence and security is one.

In 2022, the EU launched the implementation of the Coordinated Maritime Patrol (CMP) concept in the North-Western Indian Ocean as a Maritime Area of Interest. It covers maritime area from the Strait of Hormuz to the Southern Tropic and from the North of Red Sea towards the centre of the Indian Ocean. The CMP in the North-Western Indian Ocean would complement the EU’s and the EU member states’ activities in the region.

Operation Aspides along with the CMP in the North-Western Indian Ocean adds to the EU’s presence in the Indian Ocean region. Since 2008, the EU has also launched Operation Atalanta off the coast of Horn of Africa to counter piracy in the region. Overall, this latest naval mission is a part of EU’s emphasis on its role as a maritime security provider.  

The second objective pertains to the EU’s approach towards Iran which is different from that of the US. Since the Houthis started attacking merchant ships in late 2023 and the US launched its Operation Prosperity Guardian, the EU had been reluctant to be a part of this mission. Although a few European countries initially participated in this mission, majority of the EU members were unwilling to be a part of this mission led by the US. Following the Houthi attacks on merchant ships the US along with the UK carried out strikes against the Houthi based on Yemeni territory. Among the EU members, the Netherlands was the only country to participate in this action.

In general the EU members have been favouring freedom of navigation but without escalating conflict. Continuing targeted strikes against the Houthis in their territory would likely result in the conflict spreading and greater involvement, direct or through proxies, of regional powers, notably Iran. Most of the EU members opined either directly or in subtle manner that the US-led efforts would most probably lead to escalation. France refused to accept subordination of the US while Spain declined on the grounds of its commitment to peace.

The EU’s contrasting stand with the US is concomitant to the former’s approach to Iran. While the US has consistently taken a confrontational approach on Iran, the EU has been more diplomatic. Since walking out of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), also known as the Iran nuclear deal, the US has refused to negotiate with Iran. However, the EU continues to engage with Iran over nuclear deal.

A few days back, Iran’s Deputy Foreign Minister of Political Affairs Ali Bagheri Kani met with the EU’s Deputy Foreign Policy Chief Enrique Mora and the EU’s Special Representative for the Middle East Peace Process Sven Koopmans in Doha, Qatar where the two sides discussed the nuclear deal and lifting sanctions within the JCPOA framework.

The EU’s engagement with Iran is not only aimed at preventing escalation of conflict in the Middle East, this outreach could also result in facilitating an alternate connectivity initiative for the EU in the future.

The EU and the Central Asian countries are working on developing Trans-Caspian Transport Corridor to link Europe with Central Asia. This project is a part of the Global Gateway, an initiative that the EU launched in 2021. The Global Gateway, which is considered as an alternative to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) project, could also become an alternative route for the EU to connect with Asia through Iran. Iran is already a part of the Chabahar Port project and the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) linking Central Asia, Russia and Europe to the Northern Indian Ocean.

While it may be prospective thinking due to the current instability in the Middle East, the EU, with its continuing engagements with Iran, could extend its Global Gateway to Iran for connecting with the Indian Ocean, as an alternate route to Suez Canal.

The EU through its restrained response to the conflict in the Middle East is not only attempting to reduce the escalation, through constantly courting Iran, it is also keeping options open for the future to ensure an alternate mechanism of outreach to the Indian Ocean, should the uncertainty in the Middle East continue. In either case, these steps could push the EU into enhancing its role in the Indian Ocean.

Mr. Niranjan Marjani is a political analyst and researcher based in Vadodara, India.