Mr Niranjan Marjani
The 8th Indian Ocean Conference was held in Muscat, Oman on 16-17 February 2025. This platform was formed in 2016 by India Foundation, an Indian think tank. The Indian Ocean Conference has 30 countries as its members. Over the past almost one decade it has emerged as a consultative forum for the countries in the Indian Ocean Region. Primary focus of this initiative has been on security which is concomitant to India’s doctrine of Security And Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR).
The recent Indian Ocean Conference took place at a time when not only the global order is in flux but the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) is the most affected region due to the multiple conflicts going on currently like the Russia-Ukraine war and the Israel-Hamas war. Further instability in Syria and Iran’s confrontation with Israel and the West are having repercussions on the IOR as well. Further with the IOR as a component of the wider Indo-Pacific Region, the geopolitical profile of the region has further enhanced.
While delivering the keynote address at the conference, External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar highlighted how conflicts in different parts of the world are impacting the IOR. He spoke about the sharp churn at the two ends of the ocean and how these events have had a disrupting effect on the logistics of the IOR.
Amid all the volatility, India’s role in the region remains crucial. It is not just restricted to protecting its own strategic and economic interests; instead India is pivotal to the regional and extra regional powers’ navigation in the region and for the security and stability of the region.
In this regard, it is important to view the recent Indian Ocean Conference from two perspectives. First, India has had several engagements recently that could be looked at from the IOR perspective. Some of these key engagements are the visit by the Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto to India as the Chief Guest on Republic Day on January 26, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to France and the United States (US), Emir of Qatar Sheikh Tamim Bin Hamad Al-Thani’s visit to India and Modi travelling to Mauritius in March.
Through these diverse engagements in an accelerated manner in a short span of three months India has continued to build upon its outreach to the IOR. With the emergence of the concept of the Indo-Pacific Region as also India’s increasing focus on the maritime dimension in the conduct of foreign affairs, IOR has been central to India’s external engagements. These could further be understood from two points of view. One is India’s formulation and implementation of strategies for different sub-regions of the IOR.
Second, India’s cooperation with regional and extra regional powers in the IOR. Within the construct of the Indo-Pacific Region, India, as a major resident power in the IOR, has prioritized its interaction in this region. While focusing on ASEAN-centrism in the Indo-Pacific Region, India has also stepped up and diversified its engagements with other sub-regions of the IOR, Middle East and Africa. India’s recent engagements with Indonesia, Qatar and Mauritius point to India’s consistent interaction and commitment to constantly strengthening its footprint in the IOR by covering different sub-regions. If Indonesia is India’s maritime neighbour and an important strategic partner in Southeast Asia, Mauritius has the distinction of being the base from where Modi laid down the SAGAR doctrine for the first time in March 2015.
As regards cooperation with regional and extra regional powers, India has extensive maritime cooperation with the US as well as France in the IOR. Although Modi’s visits to France and the US were for different purposes, these two countries are important part of India’s maneuvering in the IOR. India’s cooperation with France and the US includes securing sea lanes of communications (SLOCs), freedom of navigation, anti-piracy operations and Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) operations. Further, the US is also part of multilateral initiatives that include India like the I2U2 (India-Israel-US-UAE) and the India-United States-Saudi Arabia-UAE quadrilateral. As regards to France, it is integral to the connectivity initiative of the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC).
As mentioned earlier, the IOR has faced several disruptions due to ongoing conflicts in different regions of the world. However, recently there have been positive indications of resolution to the Russia-Ukraine war and the Israel-Hamas war. This development would ensure a stable and peaceful IOR. During the conflict in the Middle East in the past 18 months, Indian Navy was instrumental in providing security to the commercial vessels passing through the Red Sea which were the targets of attacks by the Houthis in Yemen.
Should these conflicts are resolved in the near future, India’s role would remain central for restoring normalcy and for pushing forward the economic engagements in the region which have been disrupted.
Mr. Niranjan Marjani is a political analyst and researcher based in Vadodara, India.